Alice Bragg

Articles

No play, no pals, fraught parents: How lockdown is hitting the under-fives

THE devastating impact of the pandemic response on the under-fives has been revealed in research from the parent campaign group UsforThem.

In survey of 647 parents, 60 per cent reported being more concerned about their child’s development than they were at the start of the coronavirus restrictions.

This comes at a time when visits from health visitors are severely restricted. Eighty-six per cent of parents with children under two report no home visits, with video conferencing not providing the same opportunities for professionals to observe children’s development.

A report by University College London shows the extent of the harm this could be causing. Ninety-six per cent of health visitors surveyed were concerned that they may be missing violence towards children. Paediatric trauma wards have witnessed a surge in injuries caused by child physical abuse during the pandemic.

In addition to the decline in home visits, the UsforThem survey revealed that almost 50 per cent of new mothers had no access to either baby weighing clinic or in-person breastfeeding support.

These groups are a lifeline for new mothers, providing not only practical health checks for the baby, but also the opportunity for parents to seek crucial advice and support.

The vast majority of these groups are now held online. However, research suggests the effectiveness of virtual versus face-to-face contact is uncertain.  Without the practical, emotional and social support of these face-to-face groups, combined with other aspects of lockdown, both parent and child wellbeing are likely to suffer.

Comments from mothers who were surveyed support this picture. One said: ‘My baby has not been weighed since birth. I have no idea if they are on the right track, as health visitors said clinics (are) closed, and appointment only if something (is) really wrong. No groups either or support.’

Another confided: ‘My mental health has affected my ability to care and be compassionate with my children’ and ‘I believe, due to the pandemic, it has increased the anxiety in both me and my son’.

Understandably, the welfare of parents directly affects their ability to communicate positive and nurturing messages to their children – crucial factors in youngsters developing into adults who can achieve their greatest potential and live happy adulthoods. The impact of these factors is more severe among families living in poverty and deprivation.

The risk of deterioration in maternal mental health is compounded by the closure of playgroups and children’s centres across the country. Three-quarters of respondents attended playgroups before the pandemic. Of those, 65 per cent said they did so, in part, to meet other parents.

The vital support provided by these groups was acknowledged by the Government and they were given an exemption to open under Tier 4. Nevertheless, 75 per cent of parents have seen their local playgroups remain shut throughout.

The frustration is tangible: ‘My child is an only child, and has had virtually no interaction with other children of ANY AGE, ALL YEAR,’ was a typical mother’s comment. ‘Swimming is socially distanced, baby yoga too. Play centres are the only place where parents let kids play normally together, and they’ve hardly been open.’

In presenting the findings of a recent report by The Royal Foundation into early-years development, the Duchess of Cambridge warned that the pandemic had dramatically increased parental loneliness.

Affecting 63 per cent of parents, loneliness, along with factors such as financial insecurity and a feeling of being trapped, is associated with a condition called, ‘parental burnout’.

More commonly noted in lower-income families, this is understood as a prolonged response to chronic and overwhelming parental stress. The result is abuse and neglect towards children in parents who would otherwise be able to cope. Lockdown measures may be creating conditions for parental burnout when it would not otherwise occur.

The impact of restrictions on childhood socialisation was alarming for the majority of parents surveyed. Particularly from age three upwards, children learn vital socialisation skills which shape their relationships for the rest of their lives.

Clinical psychologist Dr Harrie Bunker-Smith says: ‘Play and social interaction are crucial for child development. They enable the development of skills such as sharing and problem-solving, building and maintaining relationships, and in turn further developing a child’s sense of self.  These allow our little ones to grow up to be the happiest and most successful adults they can be.’

Before the pandemic, 90 per cent of parents reported attending playgroups so their children could interact with kids their own age. Now that facilities are closed and the population is restricted from meeting family and friends, there is a marked drop in opportunities for children to play together.

Of those children not attending formal childcare, the UsforThem survey showed that 50 per cent spent less than half an hour socialising with other children in a given week. Again, it is the least advantaged that suffer the most, as children from lower socio-economic groups are less likely to access childcare.

Studies show that isolated children who do not get crucial early social experiences are more likely to grow into adults with higher psychological distress and reduced academic attainment.

The comments from parents on socialisation exude a general sense of dismay; parents watching helplessly as separation from other children takes its toll on their child. ‘The Covid restrictions have been absolutely terrible for my boy,’ one mother reports. ‘He has become scared of people, including children, and stopped speaking completely, including to say even yes or no.’

Another writes: ‘My youngest has a number of development delays. It’s really hard to tell how much of that is down to the pandemic and the fact that he has barely been able to socialise with other children his own age.’

Even without marked developmental delays, parental instincts are on the alert: ‘I worry about his social development sometimes and what this may do to his confidence.’

It is unsurprising that 61 per cent of parents no longer take their child out on everyday errands, or take them out significantly less than they used to.

Of those children still regularly participating in everyday activities, there have been instances of under-fives being banned from libraries, places of worship and retail outlets. This further restricts opportunities for young children to learn more about the world. And yet social development relies on children observing and eventually modelling behaviour they see around them.

With so many groups closed and wider family and community prevented from plugging the gap, parents are resorting to screens.

A study for Oxford Brookes University showed 75 per cent of babies and toddlers spent more time on screens during the initial lockdown. Covering the period up to December 2020, the UsforThem survey puts the figure at 68 per cent.

This is in spite of NHS guidelines recommending no screen time for children under two, and only one hour for those aged two and above.

When asked if they would like their children to spend more time with kids of a similar age, but are prevented from doing so by the pandemic regulations, 76 per cent of parents said they would. Their anxiety and frustration is palpable.

And what of the frustration of the children themselves? Missing out on the most fundamental aspects of childhood – play, friendships, going outside and experiencing day-to-day life; the confusion of being forced to isolated for 14 days should a Covid case arise in their group.

It is therefore unsurprising that incidences of anger amongst children and young people have increased, with an exponential rise in child violence towards parents of the most vulnerable children and those with special educational needs.

In an Oxford University study, 69 per cent of social workers reported an increase in referrals for families experiencing CAPV – Child and Adolescent Parental Violence – and 64 per cent said the severity or incidence of violence had increased.

It is almost ten months since pandemic restrictions were put in place and still no end is in sight. For many parents, the hope that their children will quickly bounce back is receding.

Professionals working across all child development sectors are expressing a profound concern about children’s capacity to withstand these conditions.

For a great number of parents the harm is felt instinctively. Without recourse to friends, family and community to meet the need left by closures, parents are forced to accept the tragic reality that they simply may not be able to give their child the start in life that they had hoped to.

Dr Bunker-Smith reminds us that ‘our early experiences significantly inform the rest of our lives; our academic achievement, our relationships, our levels of long-term wellbeing and our outlook on life itself.  It is vitally important that we remember the long-term consequences of decisions which impact our youngest members of society’.

Articles

Let us play! Toddlers locked out by Covid buck-passers

DESPITE Herculean efforts to become Covid-secure, the vast bulk of early years providers – playgroups, children’s centres, forest schools, children’s activity programmes – closed their doors at the start of the second lockdown.

Add to this soft play areas, swimming pools, theatres and, of course, people’s own homes, and the chance of a toddler being able to meet and play with another toddler is reduced to almost nil. Hence the huge surge in playground use by parents since the lockdown began.

According to the Register of Play Inspectors, one in three parents took their children to a playground in the first week of lockdown, producing a flurry of communications to playground managers updating their risk assessments. It is pretty rare to see a rush on playgrounds in November.

I was one of those parents, and it was a source of great relief to see other families at the playground. Socialisation and physical activity are vital for children’s development, nurturing communication skills, building physical agility and laying foundations for future relationships. Now the majority of early years providers are closed. So for us, playgrounds are a lifeline.

A recent OFSTED report found that an astonishing 53% of playgroup staff noted a decline in children’s personal, social and emotional development after the first national lockdown.

Some children had returned to playgroup less confident. Others had regressed to using dummies or reverted to nappies when previously they had been potty trained. As ever, the children hit hardest tend to be from deprived backgrounds, as well as those with learning difficulties or disabilities. One playgroup manager described a second national lockdown as ‘a disaster for children’.

Unless the Government views baby and toddler development as dispensable in its strategy to fight Covid-19, why have ministers not take steps to ensure these vital facilities remain open?

The answer is to be found in two words: ‘provides support’. As long as a baby and toddler group provides support, it can open its doors to 15 adults and an unlimited number of children under the age of five.

To a parent, the question of whether these groups provide support is a no-brainer, especially when children are cut off from extended family during full or partial lockdowns. So why have so few opted to continue?

Some would argue that the guidance is confusing, creating obstacles that providers struggle to overcome. . In a letter to Education Secretary Gavin Williamson, Labour MP Ellie Reeves called for sector-specific guidance to be drawn up in order to give certainty.

However, sector-specific guidance was published for soft play areas and, instead of triggering widespread reopening, it led to more closures.

To some, there seems too much guidance, often overlapping and contradictory as the various components of toddler care are regulated individually, such as separate guidance for venues and for childminders. With so many hurdles to jump, it is no wonder that so many playgroups have chosen not to reopen. But where does that leave our children?

Early years provision breaks down roughly into four categories: Children’s centres, voluntary church groups, forest schools and independent practitioners running activities in venues which they hire.

These providers are, to varying degrees, under the umbrella of larger organisations such as the Early Years Alliance or the Forest School Association. In the case of churches, policy is overseen by the House of Bishops in the General Synod. All are under the authority of their local council.

Charting a way through the ever-changing landscape of the pandemic, individual providers naturally look to these organisations for a steer. But the message overall has been weak, pushing responsibility back on to the shoulders of individuals and small organisations.

Rather than emphasise the significant shift in Government policy towards continuing baby and toddler provision this time round, the Early Years Alliance sent out a muted email to its members on November 5, offering a FAQs page that explained the guidance without any apparent urge for members to make use of it.

In a similar, dispassionate statement on its website, the Forest School Association referred trainers ‘to the section of the guidance requesting that training be moved online where possible during this period’.

The Children’s Activities Association went further, explicitly urging its 1,000-plus members to stop running classes in a face-to-face format. The reclassification of baby and toddler groups as providing support, thereby permitting them to stay open, has not made it on to the CAA web page, so the advice remains the same.

In the case of churches, where voluntary groups offered local and often very inexpensive early years provision, the stipulations for restarting groups laid out on the Church of England website feel weighty and burdensome.

Again, the responsibility is thrown back into the hands of volunteers. If they ‘cannot assure themselves … that they can satisfactorily meet the requirements, then it is recommended that this type of activity should not be held’. It comes as no surprise that almost no church groups have started up again since closing in March.

Add to this the ever-present fear. Not of contracting Covid-19. Most young children, if they contract it at all, experience it mildly and mortality rates in adults under 65 are very low.

It is the fear of being shut down by local council officials who are writing and enforcing their own version of the rules, by police who are ‘visiting’ forest schools and questioning leaders, or driving menacingly slowly past community venues.

Fear of the reputation damage should a case of Covid be associated with your group, even indirectly and quickly overcome, as it is in the vast majority of cases. The fear of being abused on social media, accused of putting other people’s lives at risk.

But what of the risk to children who are being denied their chance to play, communicate, socialise, move freely and gain new skills at this formative age?

What of the risk to those toddlers sitting in front of screens all day when they should be learning through playing? What of the risk to young children who live in a chaotic environment and need these activities as a healthy release?

The average age of death from Covid-19 is 82 years old. This is higher than the average life expectancy. Can we really justify passing the burden of this virus on to the youngest and most vulnerable: Our babies and our toddlers?

And yet parents, who would be the first to contract the virus in the event their toddler catches it, and who are more inclined to be in contact with elderly parents they love and cherish, are visiting playgrounds in droves.

If only the organisations that purport to champion children’s wellbeing, along with the Church of England – the very custodian of God’s children – would reconsider their priorities, perhaps the nation’s children might have a chance of escaping this lockdown without suffering any more harm.

But more than anything, reopening baby and toddler provision needs the unequivocal backing of the Prime Minister and the Government. Without it, these small, often independent, providers are at the mercy of the officious new Covid enforcers who thrive by feeding on their mounting fears.

Articles

No Second Lockdown Without A Full Parliamentary Debate

It may come as a surprise to learn that I have never before authored a petition! But I have now.

Please find below the link for a petition entitled, ‘No Second Lockdown Without A Full Parliamentary Debate’

I created this petition because I feel very strongly that the way to fight this virus is not by making people feel constantly afraid. Nor is it achieved by issuing threats. Instead, our politicians need to make a strong case that persuades us. Debating a second lockdown would seem an important step in achieving this.

In my latest blog I tried to communicate how confused I was becoming as I saw a different picture with my own eyes to the one that was being presented by politicians and large sections of the media. Since sharing my blog I have learned how many other people feel the same way.

A full debate in Parliament on the merits of a second lockdown will require our politicians to make a strong case, one that stands up to rigorous analysis, as well as providing the opportunity for MPs to represent the voice of their constituents.

I believe this will help to bring people together, thereby strengthening our collective response to Covid-19.

If you think this debate is important, please sign and share.

Thanks very much

http://chng.it/GBCm7RGRs6

Articles

Lost in a Corona Daze

It is difficult to pinpoint the exact moment I started to question our nation’s response to the coronavirus pandemic. At the outset, I embraced the collective panic wholeheartedly. On the phone to friends, any attempt to mitigate the abject terror that lay before us was swept aside using examples picked from here and there. If it was pointed out that the virus only mildly affects children, there would be a case someone had seen in the paper of a twelve year-old admitted into intensive care; if it was suggested that people under fifty were not at great risk, there would be the forty-five year old friend-of-a-friend who had died with no knowledge of underlying health conditions; if it was mentioned seasonal flu kills thousands of people every year, a vague but horrifying description of coronavirus symptoms would be embarked upon. I know this because I was the one doing it.

When rumours of school closures began to ripple around friendship groups and respected public figures came out in favour of it, my partner and I joined the parent-powered action to withdraw children from school. When a week later they closed, we were vindicated. The #ToryGenocide trick wasn’t fooling us! Now it was time to stockpile. As the back room filled up with trays of tinned tomatoes and bags of rice, we sought alternative sources of food should supply chains dry up due to casualties and contamination. Hand sanitiser was bought in bulk from Amazon which, if accidentally left behind when embarking on a visit to the shop (in full mask, hood and sunglasses), would induce internal panic. And why wouldn’t it? This thing had come to kill us.

Trudging along deserted footpaths for daily exercise we would occasionally come across another family also with anorak hoods fastened, despite the dry weather. We would pass each other suspiciously, mounting the verge to keep our distance. We cried tears of frustration when our parents resisted the call to shut themselves up in their homes, like bomb shelters, until the attack had passed. “You have to take this seriously” I found myself saying, “before it’s too late!” Whatsapp messages were sent urging able-bodied friends to sign up and help the NHS. If, for some reason they didn’t, eyebrows would be raised. For a while I seriously considered contacting the local factory to ask if I could help build ventilators. A doctor friend told me these were desperately needed. But in the end, I chose to stay at home and look after my young son. We did have to keep the home fires burning too, after all.

And when, with doors locked and delivery slots secured, we realised the gravity of what was actually happening, we thought of our friends with restaurants and shops; new businesses that had opened in a country where people walked the streets freely, enjoyed each other’s company easily, spent money assured it would continue to flow, in spare moments when kids were at school. But we comforted ourselves in the knowledge that The Chancellor would provide financial cushions to soften these blows. And we didn’t have to worry too much. The Governor of the Bank of England had reassured us the economy would bounce back quickly, in the shape of a ‘V’, as it happened, for victory. It would all be over by Easter.

In an attempt to laugh at the situation and dispel some of the fear, I started writing a comedy series reflecting on how absurd my behaviour had become. Partnering up with an old friend, Lucie Capel, we produced ‘Corona Daze’. The six-part series follows an estate agent and working Mum, Nicky Parsons who, like me, began lockdown in abject terror before slowly tuning out the incessant alarm bells and reflecting on whether the damage wrought upon her life and family was really consummate with the scale of the threat.

So when did my doubts set in? The conspiracy theorists got going quite quickly. My partner and I laughed until our eyes watered at interviews with unconvincing ‘Fibre-Network Engineers’ who claimed coronavirus had entered the population through 5G lasers positioned on telecom masts. ‘Hospitals are empty!’ screeched another post from someone, somewhere (my social media intake had gone up quite substantially since actual socialising had ceased). A group of activists had taken it upon themselves to snap photos outside hospitals showing that no one was there. We giggled at the absurdity of that one too. Until a close friend, who needed a plaster cast removed, visited her local community hospital and found she was the only car parked in the car park. Walking into the hospital, she discovered it was empty of patients. This is odd, I thought. Protecting the NHS from scenes of corpses stacked up is one thing, but protecting it from seeing any patients at all felt a little over cautious.

Mentioning this to friends released a host of similar experiences, including visiting the A&E of a massive East London hospital for a fractured finger and emerging, forty-five minutes later having had a scan. That’s strange, we thought, waiting time in that A&E normally takes around six hours. The Nightingale Hospitals had almost been finished by then, seven magnificent edifices built in record time by dedicated construction workers along with our committed armed services. As Prince Charles opened the 4,000 capacity converted Excel Centre in East London via video link, long rows of beds resonant of military hospitals, he prayed it would be used for as short a time, and for as few people, as possible. It seems his prayers were answered. The hospital was closed on 15th May having treated only 54 patients. Soon after that, the Birmingham, Bristol and Harrogate hospitals were closed without taking any patients at all.

By this point, the country had been in a state of emergency for over four weeks, with almost every sector of the economy shut down, freedom of movement largely curtailed and children prevented from going to school. So when it became clear that infections of Covid-19 would not overwhelm the NHS, I began asking myself, why does the lockdown not end? ‘Oh that’s because lockdown has been working’, I was told. Of course it was, how silly of me. But a quiet voice kept nagging. If the lockdown had prevented scenes in Nightingale hospitals to rival those witnessed by their namesake during the war in Crimea, why was the death rate not higher in the fortnight following it?

We knew by that time the virus could take two weeks to present symptoms. If it was nearing dangerous peaks, it would have reached its zenith in the first two weeks of lockdown. And indeed it did. In the 14 days after the country shut down, a total of 6,074 deaths were recorded. In a state of morbid enquiry, I glanced each day at the recorded deaths for NHS England. Somehow these were significantly lower, recording only 754 mortalities in England during that fortnight. Just to put that into context, an average 18,000 people in England die every two weeks. So what was going on? The sad answer came in early May when stories broke across the media revealing the heavy death toll was due to elderly patients being transferred from hospitals into care homes, enabling the virus to spread among the old and vulnerable. By early June, the death rate in care homes had dropped back down to the average. By the end of June, a typical day might see daily deaths nationally stand at less than 100. I felt callous and ashamed when I found myself secretly thinking – surely the figures must be higher than that?

Then came newspaper profiles of the scientist at Imperial College, Neil Ferguson, who had told us half a million people were about to perish. It seems he hadn’t always got these things entirely right. The lines I wrote for Nicky Parsons and her Mum in Corona Daze crudely summed up how I felt at that time:

Nicky: Do you know how many times his predictions have been wrong?? He claimed Bird Flu would kill two hundred million people.

Mum: How many did it kill?

Nicky: 455 – and that’s globally. His Swine Flu predictions were just as bad. Sixty thousand Britons would perish, he said. In the end, it was 283. I mean, every death is a tragedy, don’t get me wrong. But if you’re looking for a forecast into the future, you’d be better off asking Mystic Meg.

Quite soon after that, it transpired Ferguson had allowed his mistress to travel across London in order to visit him after the lockdown had begun – twice. Journalists often point to the Cummings debacle as the moment when the public lost trust in the lockdown strategy, but for me it was this. If somebody really believes that half a million people could die of a virus so deadly that children should be withdrawn from school, how could he put the life of his lover and her children at risk? (He presumably wasn’t quite so worried about the fate of her husband). Was Ferguson sure he was virus-free? Could he be sure his mistress didn’t have underlying health conditions? If he could make these risk assessments, why could we not do the same?

Then came more facts about the virus itself. Initially, we believed those at risk included anyone who had ever used an asthma inhaler or who had lived a remotely dissolute life: taking drugs, smoking cigarettes or drinking alcohol, which covers about 95% of the population under sixty. Over sixty, the risk was even higher. Under ten and the risk may be less – but there was no certainty, so we should still be very much afraid. But afraid of what?

Clicking around YouTube one evening I watched a video purporting to have some ‘Good News!’ about coronavirus. According to the pundit, the Government had declassified Covid-19 from being a high consequence infectious disease because overall mortality rates are low. What?! A random internet loon wasn’t fooling me that easily, I decided to look this up myself. A few clicks later and there it was on the screen in front of me, as clear as day. ‘Status of Covid-19’ the header declared, ‘As of 19th March 2020 , COVID-19 is no longer considered to be high consequence infectious disease (HCID)’. Huh? I looked again at the address bar; yes, it was the government website. I checked the date; published 22nd March 2020 – the day before lockdown began. How is it possible, I asked myself, that Covid-19 could no longer be judged ‘an acute infectious disease’? That did not therefore, require a ‘co-ordinated national response’? Like, for example, a lockdown that, a day later, was imposed on the whole country?!

The tales spun around this piece of information stretched as far as megalomaniac globalists attempting to patent the human race. But in spite of the comic conspiracies, the fact remained: the four nations HCID group, along with the Advisory Committee on Dangerous Pathogens, did not consider Covid-19 a high consequence infectious disease. Nevertheless, the World Health Organisation clearly did. ‘Coronavirus is public enemy number one’, WHO Director General, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, told a press conference. It is no wonder then, that around this time, the British Government enacted legislation effectively creating a state of emergency across the country. Delving into this topic, I felt like Alice in Wonderland might have done after falling down a rabbit hole and finding herself in a strange world imbued with fantastical occurrences. Whereas we used to have a parliamentary democracy in which big decisions were discussed and debated before they became law, we suddenly now had ‘Super Ministers’ who can swoop in and stop us from doing pretty much anything they choose at any time.

But why should that surprise me? ‘Coronavirus is everybody’s enemy’, the WHO Director General reminds us. So it must be necessary to give Government Ministers the power to declare a “transmission control period” which, despite sounding like an instruction from Scott Tracy in Thunderbirds, actually means that anyone can be detained if suspected of being “potentially infectious” (including children) and forcibly tested in unidentified isolation facilities. After all, a period of uncontrolled transmission would be catastrophic, wouldn’t it?

In episode 5 of Corona Daze, Nicky loses her temper during the Skype conversation with Mum. Her life has deteriorated under lockdown, with the pillars and joists that kept it upright unable to withstand the pressure. Having taken refuge in the shed she rails against the lockdown, citing examples that I drew from my own life, including a family member infected with Covid who reported nothing more serious than ‘a night of the sweats’ and disappointment that he couldn’t taste his artisan beer. He was not the only one. At first startling, it became routine in conversations with friends to discover how many had fallen ill with symptoms that were so similar to Covid-19 that one could not help but deduce they had… Covid-19. The enemy was upon us!

Phone conversations became coronavirus counts: one friend knew nine people who had contracted Covid; another, fifteen. ‘Were they admitted to hospital? I enquired, ‘Or put on a ventilator so they didn’t drown in the pus of their own lungs?’ ‘Don’t think so’, came the answers. That’s a bit weird, I thought, as I continued reading terrifying reports in newspapers and magazines suggesting no one was safe from imminent harm. Is it possible this threat being a little exaggerated?

Meanwhile, whispers of job losses could be seen in small corners of newspapers and heard in private conversations with those brave enough to point out the unintended consequences of the ‘Stay At Home, Protect the NHS, Save Lives’ mantra. Friends on zero hours contracts had been let go with two days notice, others on furlough were concerned their jobs may no longer exist. In Corona Daze, Nicky gets shirty with husband, Simon, a Risk Analyst for an insurance firm, for being on a zoom meeting when she’d like him to answer the front door. She turns back to Mum to complain,

Nicky: (annoyed) Do you know, he’s not even doing any work anymore! All they talk about is how the company is going to survive the lockdown.

Mum: He’s still analysing risk then?

Nicky: Well yes, I suppose that is analysing risk…

Waking up one morning and glancing at my phone, I saw a notification flash up on the screen, ‘No reported case of a child passing coronavirus onto an adult exists’. Hallelujah! I cry. At this point, we were five weeks into lockdown and, for my partner’s twelve year-old, the days were becoming repetitive and dull. School work done remotely is just homework, and we were running out of new places to take our daily exercise. That said, we were grateful she wasn’t still at primary school. Reading a survey of 10,000 parents put together by Oxford University, I discovered that the vast majority of parents with children under 12 reported increased emotional difficulties, behavioural difficulties and attention difficulties because of lockdown. When you spend your early parenting years sticking rigidly to routines or paying dearly for the consequences, it seems obvious young children would struggle to cope with a change of such magnitude.

So the fact that children do not spread the virus is a cause for huge celebration! Fantastic. Children can go back to school for their final term, catch up on the work they have missed, swap lockdown stories, relax back into their routines, and learn from professionals rather than overwrought parents with vacant looks trying desperately to wing it. They can also hug their grandparents now, like the Swiss! I click around Google to find a bit more information. Oh… That’s odd. It seems this game-changing report is not all that newsworthy. Instead the BBC has chosen to focus that day on the UK death toll passing 26,000 cases. Coronavirus, we are told by our national broadcaster, is ‘as deadly as Ebola in hospital’. Our Foreign Secretary, Dominic Raab, warns us the UK is at a ‘dangerous moment’. Although, it seems, not for the nation’s children, which would provide some relief for its citizens, should it be reported beyond a single newspaper.

In the weeks following the report, the prospect of children returning to school, rather than brighten, seemed to diminish. Despite learning that primary schools were reopening in quite a number of countries: Israel, Japan, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, Hungary, Germany etc, our education unions blocked it. I am in favour of unions, so I was interested to see what new evidence had come to light. When UNISON published a statement, in partnership with a host of other unions representing the adults in the education sector, I read it with care. ‘We all want schools to re-open’ began the statement. Well, that’s a good start, I thought.

Reading on, I was quite surprised to discover the 10 tests set by the unions, which the government would need to pass in order to gain support for reopening schools. These included a call for ‘clear scientific published evidence that trends in transmission of Covid-19 will not be adversely impacted’. Had they not read the report? Hacking through the remaining nine tests felt like entering a thick undergrowth in which no path could ever be cleared. Not only would the entire national track and trace system need to be in place before children could return to learning, but every school must prove to the government, unions and employers that it meets the required standards through robust risk assessments. But before this can happen, the standards must be agreed. This would be done by a ‘National Covid-19 Education Taskforce’ comprising the government, unions and ‘other stakeholders’. It is not specified how the decision to appoint a stakeholder would be made, or by whom. Perhaps it may require a further taskforce to decide.

However, once these standards are in place, schools can open, right? Nope. Schools must then show they have considered how they will achieve ‘equitable outcomes’ for the disadvantaged. As the pool of disadvantaged children may have widened quite considerably since children were deprived of the stability of going to school, those who meet this criteria may need to be assessed. However, the additional time could be advantageous, giving plenty of opportunity for the tenth test to be carried out: assessing the impact of reopening schools on all other public services. With all that to do, it seemed unlikely unions would support children returning to education this side of Christmas 2021.

And then came the big revelation that nobody was expecting, least of all me: large numbers of people with coronavirus were asymptomatic.In fact, so many people were asymptomatic that the most common symptoms of Covid-19 were not persistent coughs or high fever, as we had thought, but no symptoms at all. This was great news! Like a Get Out Of Jail Free pass, you could be liberated from the constant terror of contracting the virus because, if you did get it, it could be so mild that you might not even know you had it!

My relief was short-lived. Picking up a copy of National Geographic magazine, esteemed for its long history of factual reporting, I was told that actually, this new information should make me even MORE afraid. Why? Because the ‘disturbing reality’ is that ‘we have little idea who among us is spreading the disease’. I started to look at people around me a little more suspiciously after that. Are they a ‘stealthy spreader?’ I would ask myself. A walking, talking, fully-functioning virus-infector masquerading as the friendly post office clerk? Or my helpful Canadian neighbour? Or – hold on – could The Infector be me? And if the law now states that people who are ‘potentially infectious’ can be detained, am I now a suspect in the battle against ‘public enemy number one’? Inside my body, I could be giving refuge to the adversary – without even knowing it.

I can absolutely see why I need to be more afraid, although less from contracting Covid-19, and more from the newfound powers of the British Government. Because if I did contract Covid-19, and had any symptoms at all, the virus would be very unlikely to kill me. The death rate for my age bracket (not giving that one away) is four in a thousand. The total percentage of deaths from Covid across the population is around 0.063% and the highest proportion of deaths are men aged between 85-89 and women over 90. In Corona Daze, Nicky takes these facts to their logical, if rather brutal, conclusion,

Nicky: (unable to contain her fury) Do you know what is even more shocking?? The average age of the people who die from it – and I’m not joking, Mum – is higher than the average life expectancy! (in full rant) Do you know what that means?! It means most people their age have already died from something else!

I found myself listening to a podcast that encouraged me to check out the statistics on the Office for National Statistics (ONS) website. Ploughing through a spartan web page so dense with data that it resembled Teletext back in the 1980s, I was taken aback to discover that overall death rates in June this year, when the nation was fearing for their very survival, were ‘significantly down’ on the five year average. Meaning that actually, less people in Britain died. I was reminded of the ‘Good News!’ about coronavirus: its declassification from a high consequence infectious disease as mortality rates are low. So why does it matter whether we spread it?

Quite soon after this, I was in conversation with a childhood friend. She contracted coronavirus during her work as a paramedic and it had affected her badly. Three weeks unable to move, chronic muscle ache, breathless after going back and forth from the bathroom. At one point she felt a thrombosis in her shoulder which, after recovery, was told may have been a potentially fatal blood clot. Her age category is below mine, the risk of death two in a thousand. Soon after that, a school friend’s husband died, in his mid-forties, of Covid-19.

After restrictions loosened and garden visits were allowed, I went to see my dad. We sat two metres apart on the lawn and strained to hear each other over the sound of drilling, construction work being exempt from lockdown. I had bought him some bath salts wrapped in a paper bag and left in the hallway for 24 hours to make sure the virus was dead. I had then sanitised my hands before carrying it to and from the car. Dad asked me to leave it on the lawn and he would pick it up when I left. He was taking no chances either. Chatting casually about this and that, I suddenly felt an overwhelming sense of sadness at the thought of losing my dad. By this point, he had been confined to the house for over two months, not having left even for daily exercise.  The ornamental front gate had become a working barrier protecting him from danger. At that moment all my doubts disappeared. Overcome with fear, I admonished myself for having even the slightest skepticism. After all, I would shut down the whole world economy and continue lockdown forever if it meant my father stayed alive.

But on departure, a conflict of emotions descended upon me. Reflecting during the drive home, I asked myself what rational response I would give to that observation. Following the train of logic, I start at the beginning. Here is a new virus, one that is highly infectious, nobody has immunity, it kills mainly elderly people, the obese and those with underlying health conditions. Most people with underlying health conditions know they have them and routinely take precautions in their everyday lives, like a friend with leukemia and another with MS. Those who are obese can lower their risk by losing weight. Those over-70 (who may prefer not to be called ‘elderly’) are taking precautions to protect themselves.

In the newly-formed Whatsapp group of families in our road, flurries of messages were exchanged every time someone ventured out to the supermarket. Often requests came from our elderly neighbour; a bag of oranges or a tub of cream cheese left on her doorstep and the doorbell rung. We were all eager to help, glad of being given the opportunity, and we were not the only ones. Throughout Britain, elderly people were being shopped for, food and medicines delivered to their door. We would have continued, except our neighbour didn’t need us anymore. She had decided to shop for herself again taking steps to mitigate the risks.

This leaves people with underlying health conditions they are not aware of, a very small number at great risk. But in the voluminous discussion about the vulnerable, there seemed to be far less mention of children, arguably the most vulnerable of all. In order to protect the elderly, the overweight and the tiny number of those with severe, yet hidden health issues, we withdrew children from school, closed all children’s activities and suspended some of our most fundamental civil rights. As I became more and more frustrated, I eventually found myself thinking: are children simply collateral damage in this war against a low mortality virus?

With 750,00 people signed up as volunteers and billions upon billions of pounds borrowed, could we not have found a way to protect people without causing children harm and pressing the self-destruct button on our economy? With a fraction of the money borrowed, surely every elderly person in the country could have been assigned a dedicated carer, preferably a member of their family, who could be furloughed on full pay for the duration; delivered cordon bleu meals three times a day, entertained by The Royal Shakespear Company on their doorstep, telephoned daily by an army of good Samaritans ready to chat over the latest episode of whichever programmes they have been watching, free BBC licenses. The obese could have been given personal training, dedicated nutritionists and grand firework displays every time they lost a stone. Meanwhile the rest of us would spend time in bed feeling dreadful, or experience no symptoms at all while coronavirus did its work, and the very unlucky, the tiny fraction of those with underlying health conditions they were not aware of, would die. And that could be any of us.

As June rolled into July and the lockdown began to lift, I wrote the last episode of Corona Daze, optimistic that the worst was behind us. Nicky was reunited with Mum, taking her daughters for a socially distanced visit to granny’s garden. By this point, Nicky had lost her job and her husband’s firm was in crisis. This situation felt familiar for many families as, all around us, the consequences of lockdown started trickling through. By early July, Boots had announced it was cutting 4,000 jobs, Pret a Manger closing 30 branches, The National Trust was laying off 1,200 staff, SSP franchised kiosks shedding 5,000 jobs; Casual Dining Group making 1,900 redundancies, Virgin Atlantic cutting 3,500 staff; BA, 12,000; a report by the Creative Industries Federation predicting 400,000 jobs at risk, an Evening Standard investigation finding 50,000 West End jobs may be lost, with the paper itself now struggling to survive.

We took the opportunity to go to Norfolk for a week. Walking through fishing villages and along the beach, we kept a healthy distance from passersby, smothered our hands with sanitiser upon entering shops, followed one way systems in pubs and sat a distance from other diners. I breathed in the clean, salty air and felt sure our nation could heal. Then it was announced facemasks would be compulsory in shops and my morsel of hope was snatched by the gulls. Posting an objection on Facebook, I was castigated for lacking the virtue to make this sacrifice. In a gesture of charity, I was presented with a report by The Royal Society which, I was told, underpinned the government’s policy. Surprisingly, the report gave almost as much space to advising on how to enforce mask-wearing within the British population as it did to analysing the effectiveness of wearing them. Looking up a few of the footnotes, I could see why: the evidence for their usefulness being pretty thin on the ground. But this didn’t stop the authors making a strong case in favour of mandating them.

Despite my uneasiness, we returned home light-headed, almost dizzy with happiness. We couldn’t understand it at first. After all, it was only the Norfolk coast! But while chatting one evening we realised our joyfulness had come from being around other people. Casual conversations in the shop or a smile from a passerby reminded us how love and good humour can overcome suffering. As with so many decisions throughout this crisis, courses of action seem to be plotted against results from polling surveys rather than steered by strong leadership. As it did at the outset, the government seemed again to be reacting to the public’s panic rather than containing it.

I told myself this phase would pass, the government would soon lead us back onto a familiar path. So I was pretty shocked to follow news from Leicester, where a second lockdown had been imposed and, two weeks later, residents had been denied reprieve. The Mayor of Leicester, Peter Soulsby, was incensed. He claimed the government had failed to make the case or provide evidence that it would make any difference. But he was shouting into the void. Super Ministers are not required to busy themselves with such trivialities. A “public health response period” can be called without the need for new legislation, so decisions cannot be scrutinised or rejected by Parliament. We have no power to stop it.

It is no wonder Matt Hancock’s announcement to parliament reads like an entry in the diary of a Marvel Comic superhero. Justifying his decision to withdraw freedom from Leicester’s residents for a further two weeks, Super Hancock reminds us of his determination to ‘fight against this invisible killer’. In doing so, he employs a range of tactics, presumably to keep the enemy guessing. At times he will move ‘swiftly and quietly’ but, when a situation requires it, he will fly in, listen to his team of clinical advisors, consult with local leaders, all of whom agree unanimously with him (presumably the Mayor was not invited to that particular consultation), and Chair a Gold Meeting before invoking his newfound super power. And suddenly, like the Marvel character, Mr Freeze, our Super Minister can suspend a place in time, preventing anyone from leaving or entering any location, close any – or all – public spaces, shut roads and deny people access to transport. Pretty impressive powers for a superhero except that, unfortunately, Mr Freeze was Batman’s arch-nemesis and a villain. In the fortnight leading up to the local lockdown, 14 people died of coronavirus in Leicester. Heartbreaking for their families. In the same period across England an average of 18,000 people passed away, making it 0.07% of the total. If the ONS statistics are anything to go by, it is likely the highest proportion of those were over the age of 80.

Yet the drumbeat for a second wave pounds on. Imperial College scientists create more models showing more huge death rates; doctors and bureaucrats are again screaming about the imminent devastation of the NHS. The enemy may have retreated for a short time but it remains on the horizon, looming, waiting for an opportunity to invade once again. But, as in Leicester, the virus seems to attack a lot more forcefully once a testing centre arrives, like a Trojan Horse, it appears as a gift that spells disaster.

Sitting on the lawn outside our house to commemorate VE Day, we try desperately to enter into the spirit of celebration despite all events being cancelled. Union jack bunting woven carefully around village railings now flutters listlessly. Each household nibbling biscuits in their bubble aimlessly, separated from each other by a fence. We had hoped to honour the 500,000 who gave their lives by experiencing the joy and privilege they fought so hard for us to enjoy: the feeling of being free, moving around as we pleased, talking about any subject that concerns us, feeling companionship that human beings crave and need. But instead we were atomised in our gardens like statues in a dystopian art exhibition.

Remembering those men, the vast majority of whom were in their twenties with their whole lives ahead of them, the Queen reminds us that they died ‘so we could live as free people in a world of free nations’. Seventy-five years later, we are faced with a virus that has killed less young Britons than the fingers on two hands. Yet we are told that, in order to defeat this killer, we must make a sacrifice. But this time the sacrifice is not our lives, it is our freedom.

Please leave comments if you feel you would like to. I wrote this hoping to encourage debate.

To watch comedy series, Corona Daze, click here

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From Corbynista to Conservative

I really liked Jeremy Corbyn. When I was campaigning against the invasion of Iraq, he was a hero for me. Watching the dishonesty and malpractice in the build up to war was difficult when you’d been brought up within the Labour Party. After Iraq, I stepped away from politics completely and didn’t return until I received a Facebook post telling me Jeremy Corbyn was on the ballot paper to become leader. I promptly joined the party and voted for him. That was in 2015.

A year later, I found myself at the heart of Corbyn’s team. As the orchestrated resignations began to hit the headlines I, like many others, joined a volunteer online army using Twitter and Facebook to defend him. I dropped the work I was doing and turned up at the Union offices where his campaign was based. A few weeks later I was making grassroots videos for Momentum, profiling the activists around the country who were rallying behind Corbyn. The Midlands and the North were amply represented at that time. The Corbyn movement had broad appeal and its message was addressing the concerns of the traditional heartland Labour voters.

In retrospect I realise how much Corbyn phenomenon was inextricably linked to the man himself. After thirty years of campaigning, Corbyn had become a familiar face for many activists around the country and it was fellow campaigners who drove the movement forward, along with young, university educated middle class children aware of the disadvantages they faced in comparison to their parents. These energies combined to kick-start a movement which, over two years, gained pace, culminating a 2017 election result that seemed to herald the reverse of Labour’s electoral decline.

The campaign in 2017 was as incredible as it was unforeseen. Being part of it, I witnessed the power of mass mobilisation through politics that inspired people. Many of us were united by a feeling that, in our own country and abroad, people were not being treated well enough by our leaders. Looking back, it was simplistic. But the emotions were real and Corbyn made us believe we had the power to change it. We felt like heroes. Whatever small contribution we made, felt important; we felt important. And the more of us who used our talents in support of Corbyn, the more others were inspired to do the same. My fondest memory was of the last night of the 2017 election campaign, we had travelled to see Corbyn speak at Islington Town Hall. There was clearly no chance of getting in to the hall, no tannoy to hear him and no screen to see him. But still, we remained outside along with hundreds of others who wanted to be together on this very special evening in late spring. I stood beside a young woman around whose neck hung a chintzy gold necklace with ‘Corbyn’ written in italics affixed on each side to a chain. It had been made by her friend, she told me, and was available to buy via her Facebook page. The humour, the glamour, the sheer incongruity of this necklace made it effortlessly cool. For me, it was emblematic of how far our movement had reached, and how much further it could go.

With a background in grassroots video, I spent the election campaign making short films in partnership with Stand up for Labour under the banner ‘Brit Rocks’. We toured the country putting on variety shows that raised money for local parties and motivated members to keep fighting on the doorstep. The clips were short and simple: Labour Party members talking about their communities, the issues they faced and the possible solutions. They were shared widely, and through making them, I learned a great deal about the situation faced by people in the Midlands and the North.

The first realisation was how present deindustrialisation still is for these communities. Factories, pits and potteries were closing their doors within living memory of Generation Z. The second was how little investment had flowed into these areas since the massive industrial wipe-out of the 1980s. For a young person living in Whitehaven to learn Photoshop, they would need to travel on a railway un-modernised since the 1950s to a town forty miles away. For those determined enough to learn online, via Youtube tutorials, overwhelming obstacles would still be in their way. The cheap aluminium cables laid in the 1970s when the price of copper was exorbitant means that high-speed broadband cannot reach them, so these videos simply will not play. Without training or a decent internet connection, the gig economy must feel to these communities as far away as the planet Mars.

The psychological impact of deindustrialisation is also very present. A darkness fell over people’s faces when recalling the battle to keep their industries, a mixture of embarrassment in admitting they were so brutally crushed, and pain at remembering the trauma it inflicted. ‘I think the deindustrialisation of Doncaster and towns like it was purposely done…’ one man told me, ‘The working class had improved their lots across Britain.. since the war and they [the Conservatives] wanted to reverse that.” A report by the Centre of Social Justice paints a dark picture of the heavy toll it took; ‘When a community experiences an economic shock, the social problems that evolve as a result make it harder to bring back jobs, investment and opportunity. In Britain this happened in communities when people lost their jobs in coal mines, car plants and steel mills. Many became dependent on welfare for support, and as they lost their sense of self-worth and identity.’ This was echoed during a discussion in Rotherham by a man in his sixties, ‘‘You must know, that the residual of the last forty years of austerity in the town has left it with a severe mental health problem”.

Some of the most passionate Corbyn supporters I spoke to were grandchildren of working families left on the dole. In some cases, activists had previously been alcoholics, drug addicts and eventually, become homeless. Through government funded schemes, they had pulled themselves out of this downward spiral. As a result, Corbyn’s fight against austerity resonated strongly with them. In an old Labour Club on a council estate in March 2017, people were asking questions following the screening of Ken Loach’s recent film. One man’s question summed up the attitude of many in the North at that time, “When my local MP votes for austerity, how can I vote Labour?’

However for many, austerity did not begin in 2010 but thirty years earlier when Thatcher came to power and, from 1979 and 1990, dragged the economy from one model into another. But New Labour, in power for longer than Thatcher, chose not to redress the economic imbalance she left. Of course inroads were made, and I am sure there is a compelling case for New Labour’s success in addressing the economic imbalance in post-industrial Britain, although I have not seen it. To the outsider, New Labour preferred to support wealth creation in the south and use tax revenues, along with government borrowing, to fund welfare benefits and public services in the old manufacturing heartlands. A Labour member in Rotherham contrasts Corbyn’s agenda with the approach of New Labour, “I look back and I think, if Jeremy Corbyn hadn’t become leader and it was say, Yvette Cooper, we wouldn’t have the radical policies that we’ve got. That’s the main thing for me. I think we’d still be thinking: well the Tories are doing this, we’ll maybe look at some of their popular policies and try and amend them a little bit. Or we’ll water down some of our policies.”

Corbyn’s radical agenda, enshrined in the 2017 manifesto, was a blueprint for change. A network of local investment banks would encourage entrepreneurship; infrastructure investment would provide a foundation on which people could build business and gain skills, nationalisation of utilities would bring down the cost of living but most significantly, Labour would bring manufacturing back to Britain. Yes, a great number of people believed Corbyn was a threat to national security, an IRA sympathiser and an apologist for terrorism. But I saw the tide slowing turning. A Labour member I interviewed in Stoke-on-Trent summed it up, “I think now people are resurging in a way where we’re getting this confidence back again… we can still manufacture stuff in this city. We can still offer something to the world and I think that’s what’s changing now”. It is worth noting that in five of Labour’s oldest constituencies, now Conservative, every single one increased their Labour vote in the general election of 2017. In Dudley North, Labour gained 2,200 more votes in 2017 than in 2015; in Bassetlaw, 3,500; In Great Grimsby, 4,000; Rother Valley, 3,000; Bishop Auckland, 4,500.

Sadly, as the months rolled on after the 2017 election, Labour’s economic agenda began to overflow with wilder and wilder spending pledges. The commitment to restructure the economy – already extremely ambitions – became overlaid with public spending increases to which there seemed no end. At the 2017 Labour Party conference in September, to which I was a delegate, I became increasingly uneasy watching Shadow Minister after Shadow Minister promising to increase welfare and public sector spending by the billions. At the moment when we most needed to understand where the battle lines were drawn for this economic revolution, I left Brighton in a haze of uncertainty. What were us foot soldiers being asked to do?

Two and a half years later, the Labour Party had squandered this growing base of support. People like me were voting Conservative for the first time in their thousands. How did this happen?

I voted to Remain in the EU. But like millions of other ‘Remainers’ I instantly accepted the referendum result. Sure, I cried a bit, for the Britain I knew and loved which I felt might be slipping away. But then I did a bit of research and found there were good arguments on both sides. I was not alone in this response. Whenever I watched BBC or ITV News do a feature on attitudes across the country, almost every interviewee, be they a Remainer or a Brexiteer, replied with pretty much the same sentence: we’ve had the result and now we need to get on with it.

As the Brexit debate raged on, I kept waiting for a comprehensive Labour Party vision for post-Brexit Britain. One that saw Britain’s departure from Europe as the first step towards a fairer economy. When interviewing Labour members in Bolton, another Brexit constituency, a father in thirties explained the motivation of many who voted to leave, “People say, ‘you do it for your children’s children’… a lot of people thought they could deal with the brunt of it and then later on we’d be more prosperous”. Corbyn and McDonnell had been sceptical about the EU for years; many of their nationalisation policies (as far as I understand it) would be very hard to achieve inside the EU. As Britain casts around for new trading partners, now is surely the time to assess our skills base, our strengths and our untapped resources? And in doing so, articulate cogently how investment could be intelligently targeted to towns and cities in decline? However, as the prospect of a vision receded into the smoke and mirrors of ‘constructive ambiguity’, a position with the aim, it seemed, of weakening the government, I began to question my allegiance to the Corbyn project.

I understand the dilemma of a leader who has argued his entire political life for members to have a greater say in the direction of the party, and then to find himself with a membership that was approximately two-thirds against leaving the EU. But with conviction and authority I believe Corbyn and McDonnell could have steered the membership away from calls to overturn the referendum result and towards an excitement and energy for what happens next. Certainly they would have been supported in this by many Labour members in the North and Midlands, many of whom themselves voted to leave and understood why their communities had.

However, it is also important to remember that there was the added pressure of New Labour stalwarts, still with huge influence amongst MPs, mounting a serious challenge within parliament and through informal, high-level political channels to stop Brexit from happening.

In the spring of 2017 I attended a conference in central London purporting to discuss what happens after Brexit. Despite the event’s strapline challenging attendees to ‘Think Anew. Act Anew’, The Methodist Central Hall was filled with furious left-wing middle-class professionals refusing to conceive a departure from the EU. Presumably accepting the invitation to participate on the basis that London’s left-wing elite might help in reshaping the country, Brexiteers were faced with an audience that refused to listen. Applause was reserved for those panel members calling for a plan to reverse the referendum result. Prominent members of New Labour spoke. Mr Campbell was on a panel and Mr Blair had been invited but declined at the last moment. It was only a year since the findings of The Chilcot Report had exposed the disregard for processes that safeguard our democracy. By the middle of the first day, it had become uncomfortably clear that attempts were already being made overturn the referendum result and stop Britain leaving the EU.

Over the next two and a half years, the majority of the population watched with mounting horror as MPs and campaigners relentlessly exploited every possible loop hole and parliamentary privilege to stop a deal – any deal – from being reached. The arguments justifying the strategy as a means to avoid economic apocalypse were sounding increasingly absurd, as calls for certainly from business leaders grew stronger. The role of New Labour grandees in this exercise was significant. And yet, following Labour’s election defeat, the media has invited them as pundits to comment dispassionately, rather than challenging them on the fierce attacks they mounted in the three-year battle that ravaged Westminster and further aggrevated the country’s divisions.

For me, and for others, Corbyn was a welcome antidote to New Labour. A year and a half later, Corbyn seemed to be colluding in this mission to reverse the referendum result. As I followed increasingly incensed Facebook updates posted by Labour Brexiteers in the North, it was like watching an edifice slowly crumble. Two-thirds of Labour constituencies had voted to Leave. From the films I was making, I gained some insight into the reasons people in the North and Midlands voted to do so, and often these were linked to deep-rooted and genuine concerns for the future of their families. However, Labour’s top team – intelligent people with huge caches of data at their finger tips and a nationwide network of well-informed supporters – entered into a collective delusion. The Labour Party’s surprise success in 2017 had convinced many in Corbyn’s team that, had the lead-in time been longer, Labour would have won. The constant demands for an election in the face of Mrs May’s increasingly desperate appeals for support to get a deal were, I believe, driven by this belief. So ingrained was the conviction that Labour would win an election the next time round, that when the alignment of favourable elements changed, the conviction nevertheless remained the same. It was like watching the painful end to a tragic farce when the motion for a general election was finally tabled by the Tories. As they realised they had such little chance of winning, Labour then opposed it.

Although bewildering to watch, it has become customary in our political class for a small group of people with very loud voices to construct a fantastical reality, ignore any appeal to the facts, and then try to shut down debate. This is particularly common on the left, and seems to have percolated down to a generation in whom has been instilled the ambition ‘to change the world’. The extent to which this fantastical reality was enveloping Corbyn’s Labour Party by 2019 is exemplified by the almost complete alignment of Momentum with identity politics ideology. Starting life as the focus point for a spontaneous, broad-based, national movement to get Corbyn elected as leader, Momentum morphed into a portal for disseminating an ideology that demands group allegiance (such as skin colour, sexuality, sex, religion or class) take precedence over individual character in order that society should become ‘just’. Ironically, this fight for social justice is then waged through ascribing generalised characteristics and opinions to people based on their group identity. Inevitably, politics rapidly becomes an exercise in accusing opponents of racism, sexism, Islamaphobia, transphobia etc.

I came to realise, with sadness, that Corbyn’s perspective is not too far off this. His lifelong opposition to racism is eminently commendable, but if you see the world through a lens of ‘oppressors’ and ‘oppressed’ there becomes little room left for nuance or understanding. Instead people are pitted against each other along battle lines of group identity. And because complexities are ignored, those placed in a category of ‘oppressor’ – the Israelis, for example – have no right whatsoever to be understood. When you have a Jewish population in this country with quite natural ties to Israel (although often in disagreement with the actions of its government), they can easily be made to feel insecure by a political philosophy that damns. The fear within the Jewish community in Britain now is palpable and should never have been allowed to happen.

This ideology is also unhelpful in a country trying desperately to unify and move forward. The troubles articulated by community leaders in the Midlands and the North are not to do with ‘white privilege’, nor are they the legacy of a colonial conspiracy. Instead, they stem from huge economic shifts that took place across the global in the 1960s and 1970s when countries with very cheap labour forces acquired the knowledge (much of it from Britain) to set up manufacturing and sell products much more cheaply on the world market.

And if there was a consistent message from those I interviewed in post-industrial areas, it was to bring manufacturing back to Britain. The left-wing Brexit camp were putting forward the case for how this could be done, citing conditions needed to bring factories back to this country. However, as I understand it, these people were largely ignored. A tight circle had formed around Corbyn, exacerbated I am sure, by the constant attempts to undermine him from within his own party. But this bunker mentality allowed great mistakes to be made because people with expertise were shut out. ‘Labour Live’, the music festival in London conceived as a follow up to Corbyn’s epic appearance at Glastonbury the previous year, was a startling example of this. A lack of skills and experience led to huge costs and pitifully low ticket sales, rescued only when Unite the union laid on coaches for their members to travel to London and attend for free. The final bill was estimated as somewhere between £650,000 and £1 million. Yet I suspect no one lost their job or was even disciplined. This operational style struck me as particularly dangerous when combined with a far-reaching policy for state intervention in the economy.

As I write this, I am acutely aware of the consternation it may provoke in those who have spoken to me openly and honestly about the concerns they have about a Conservative government and the impact it might have on their families and their community. The simple answer is that I voted Conservative because I believe it was in the national interest to do so. Britain must now leave the EU as soon as possible, and only the Conservatives are prepared to make that happen. The unspoken compact between electorate and those elected was being strained further and further with every show of parliamentary acrobatics landing another blow to the chance of a deal. By denying these communities their political will to leave the EU, Labour became redundant as a force to represent them.

And yet, I still believe Corbyn was the vanguard for a movement which could come. Although he lacked the qualities to deliver on his promises, the excitement around the Corbyn project, particularly in the North and the Midlands should not be forgotten. Brexit sadly, laid bare his personal deficiencies as well as the inefficacy of the tight circle around him. But if incoming Labour leaders can take from this defeat both the knowledge that Corbyn’s policies resonated with community activists, and the humility to listen to those they were founded to represent, they could hold the government to account with authority, re-ignite their grassroots support base, and force the long-term economic and social changes these people are calling for. I saw the power of mass mobilisation through politics that inspired people. There is no reason why, with the right leader, Labour cannot do this again. But for me personally to come back to Labour, there would need to be a credible economic blueprint to reshape the economy that is clear enough to be articulated by members and supporters. The Party would need enough confidence to bring in good people, based on merit, and retain them. It would need to continue to support local campaigns by developing policy solutions and not just promising more and more funding. But most importantly, the Labour Party must have the will to unify the country and a vision that includes us all. Without that, it will continue to alienate its natural supporters. With it, Labour can win.

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Meet The Lexiteers

After giving almost no attention to the referendum campaigns leading up to the 2016 vote, I since became determined to understand why so many people think Britain would do better out of Europe. In particular, I kept asking myself, why did Labour voters choose to leave?

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Reflections on Labour’s Election Result

There is a lot of discussion in the media about why Labour did so well in this election. Journalists and commentators are trying to bridge the gap between their expectation of Conservative landslide victory and the reality of Labour’s strong performance. Their analyses though, must take into account that today’s Britain is not as they had perceived it, and in order to understand the result they need to reconnect to country beyond commentariat.

I have been working on the ground with political campaigners since last June. In the first instance, by setting-up a grassroots channel called Momentum TV that captured the activity, opinions and campaigns of Jeremy Corbyn supporters. In the second instance, by touring the country with variety show called ‘Stand Up For Labour’, which enabled me to interview people actively involved in local Labour Party branches across the country; from Carlisle to rural Cornwall, North Wales to suburban Nottinghamshire, Stoke to seaside towns on the North East coast. These films are available to view on a Facebook page called ‘Brit Rocks’. Having spoken to these people, I have a few observations that might be helpful in piecing together what happened in this election and will, in my view, continue to go on.

What I see happening is manifold. On the one hand, Corbyn speaks to Labour Party supporters who left the party after the Iraq invasion. I put myself in this category. Like many others, I became unable to engage with mainstream politics because the party I wanted to vote for had ignored our protests and taken us into conflict. Corbyn was one of the figureheads of the anti-war movement and we remember that keenly. We want a foreign policy shift towards diplomacy and away from military solutions, even if it risks weakening our relationship with the United States. We see hope for this shift in Corbyn.

Secondly, Corbyn appeals to the working class. This certainly does not include everyone. But the numbers are significant and I believe, will rise. In traditional Labour heartlands where the Brexit vote was strong, Labour Party members have been working hard to defeat UKIP’s politics of blame by arguing instead for investment to restructure their economies, which they do not feel has happened, in some place since the 1980s. The politics of hope plays a strong role here. Labour Party members talk about gaining back confidence and fighting for the future. Alongside this, Corbyn focused on making Brexit work for Britain rather than contesting the result. This is making an impact and, I believe, influenced the recent vote as evidenced by the near even split of UKIP voters to Labour.

The lack of investment following the closure of heavy industry is also the cause, many believe, of generational poverty that exists in these areas, in some cases with as many as three generations in a family dependent on state benefits. For these people, the austerity cuts have been extremely painful, and I am not sure the Conservative Party fully understood this. Many had given up hope that life would get better. However, Corbyn has been at the forefront of the anti-austerity movement since the beginning, and people see him as someone who could reverse the exponential rise in food and clothing banks, which are now a fact of life for many in this country.

There are some who fluctuate from employment to unemployment and many of these people work on zero hours contracts. For them, Corbyn offers a return to unionised work-forces. Many union members have re-joined Labour Party because of Corbyn, and they are often its most active organisers. There is a great deal of contention about the role of unions in Britain, but many people believe they are a force for good. The re-engagement of union members with the Labour Party has, I believe, played a role in Labour’s increased voter turnout.

The Labour Party manifesto includes a commitment to invest in jobs for the future. One of the ways set out for achieving this is through the establishment of a National Investment Bank, modeled on the German system. Through its network of local branches, this bank will provide access to business loans at reasonable rates. This has caught the imagination of the entrepreneurial and the ambitious, as well as of those who want job security and self-respect in the workplace. I accept there many be a great deal of tension between the above two factors but perhaps less so when they are presented, as they are, as part of a profound re-structuring of the economy here in Britain.

Another factor in this is the widespread discontent around the privatisation of the NHS and other public services. Although Theresa May hoped to run this election on a Brexit ticket, for many it was about the NHS. I see a clash of ideologies here, that many feel they have not seen played out in parliamentary debates for a while. Instead, there is the perception – rightly or wrongly – that a consensus existed between the two main parties that the public sector, by its very nature, is inefficient. However, there is a counter-argument to this, particularly in the case of the NHS, and Corbyn makes it. This is not a throw-back to the 1970s. It is an argument that many people believe has yet to be won by those advocating the introduction of market forces into the public sector. Many people are looking to Corbyn to make the case in Parliament and that influenced the way they voted and, in some cases, in their decision to cast a vote at all

Much has been ascribed to the impact of the youth vote. This is real, and there are many factors involved. Tuition fees is obviously one, and Labour’s commitment to abolish them appeals to young people from all backgrounds. However the young vote was galvanised hugely by the scores of register to vote events that happened throughout the country, leading over two million to people to register, half of them under twenty-five. At the events I attended, young people expressed regret for not casting a ballot in the EU referendum as Brexit showed that every vote counts. At the same time, Corbyn’s team were able to reach young people through social media, which they have become masterful in using as it has often been the only way they could get messages out. Simultaneously, Momentum has been developing a series of apps for canvassing that are firmly rooted in the online world where young people spend much of their lives.

The role of artists can not be underestimated in this election either, and their input has also impacted on the youth vote. Corbyn became cool and, by extension, Labour did too. Musicians, graphic designers, visual artists, video artists, filmmakers and actors have all served to create a tipping point. Suddenly politics had become an exciting movement and thousands of young people wanted to be part of it.

But perhaps the most significant factor in this election for me has been the phenomenal voter turnout. Where Labour has won the seat, or significantly increased its share of the vote, it is likely to be because Labour Party members have undertaken the hard slog of knocking on doors and explaining what Labour stands for. Again and again I have heard the same thing, which is that the Labour Party strategy locally has been to connect with people on a human level, listen to what they have to say and tell them about the policies set out in the Labour Party manifesto.

Whereas before there was resignation and hopelessness, now people have faith in their ability to influence the future. Having been told by the Conservative Party, previous Labour leaders, and the media that they must accept Britain as it is, Jeremy Corbyn has offered them a choice and they have responded. By engaging or, in my case, re-engaging with the democratic process comes renewed confidence. Young people are part of this, but I believe it is a lot more widespread. I also envisage it continuing as we try to figure out what happens next for Britain.

Brit Rocks

Liskeard, Cornwall

Loading up the van on a street in West London, Robb Johnson carefully places his guitar beside a box of signed Jeremy Corbyn mugs. Today we’re driving down to Cornwall for a gig in Liskeard. Situated twenty miles from the border, Liskeard is an ancient stannary town that once administered the tin mines in the area, delivering tax to the Crown. At a service station halfway down the M4 we pick up comedian, Wil Hodgson. Stocky and tattooed, Wil has taken the afternoon off from hairdressing. He installs himself in the passenger seat to avoid car sickness as I decamp to the back. Sweta and Shabbir chat and laugh together like brother and sister. Both young activists, they stage manage and sell merchandise during the gigs.

Outside Liskeard, the sun is setting over Sterts Theatre, a tented amphitheatre set in the rolling hills of Bodmin Moor. Front of house smiles are abundant, the theatre employs only three people and everyone else volunteers. Proudly, I am told the theatre season runs mainly community shows. In a field beside the tented entrance, Sweta and Shabbir have set up their stall. Electric blue t-shirts with ‘Jeremy Corbyn’ superman graphics rest neatly in piles of size. On a grassy knoll, members of band, Phatt Bollard, relax. Having driven twenty miles from Plymouth, these five musicians are enjoying a pre-show can of Special Brew and a bag of chunky chips. Rarely do they perform at gigs, preferring to busk on high streets around the country. But Stand Up For Labour founder and compere, Crispin Flintoff, has convinced them to play tonight’s show.

Kerry Cassidy is a mum, a County Council candidate and a stand up comedian. She grew up a mile away from Liskeard and remembers the theatre before the canopy was raised, ‘If it was raining we all used to sit there with plastic bags on our heads’ she chuckles. Kerry wears a pillar-box red sequined dress and matching lipstick. Liskeard is widely regarded as a no hope seat for Labour. In the 2015 election it came in fourth place after UKIP, with less than ten percent of the vote. Like other constituencies with a strong Lib Dem presence, the logic has been to vote tactically in an attempt to dislodge the Conservatives. South East Cornwall constituency contains pockets of generational poverty. Cheap rents attract lower income families and landlords collect housing benefit. But the remoteness of the area impedes investment, making jobs scarce and keeping unemployment rates high, so the impact of austerity cuts on these people has been particularly severe. Food and clothing banks are a fact of life in South East Cornwall.

Inside the amphitheatre, the show has begun. Robb Johnson attacks his guitar strings with songs of resistance. He promotes his latest track, I’m Voting Labour Next Thursday, soon to be released. Wil Hodgson thinks on his feet as a huge insect flies in from the moorlands and joins him on stage. Richard James has driven down from Plymouth too. Charming the room, he reels off a list of British post-Apocalyptic scenarios: Five inches of snow and it settles; a power cut on the same day as the frozen food shop; leaves on the line. Halfway through Crispin’s audience banter, Sweta rushes on stage stretching out her mobile phone. Crispins places the mic close to the ear piece and the voice of Jeremy Corbyn fills the space. ‘Hello everyone and thanks so much for being there tonight.’ The crowd are rapturous, puffed up with the value of their work and their worth.

Gareth Derrick is Labour’s candidate. A retired naval commander, Gareth has arrived dressed in a sharp, white, double-breasted suit with a silk red tie. His wavy silver hair sits neatly, his steel-rimmed glasses straight and discrete. The first question that comes to mind when I meet him is, why Labour? His blue-eyes flash, ‘Seeing what is happening to our public services was so devastating to me; how – as Jeremy Corbyn says – how our economy is rigged for big business, rigged to take money out of the country for global business interests at the expense of ordinary people. It’s a fight I want to fight, and here I am doing it’. South East Cornwall came out decisively for Brexit. There is an appetite for change here and Gareth believes he can win. The Labour manifesto has helped, ‘it’s a bold and adventurous manifesto that has actually shocked people.. there is nothing wishy-washy there. We are trying to put right the damage that has been done over many years’.

Back under the canvass, Phatt Bollard have begun playing their signature track, ‘Millionaires’.

I don’t give to the Big Issue seller
Because he’s probably on heroin
I walk past him with a grin
And if I can I kick his dog

I don’t give to the busker
He’s talentless and lazy
He’s ruining the country
I think he should get job

Instead I give my money to

Wall Mart for its tax evasion
Prime Mark for its child labour
Texaco for the next invasion
And I don’t give a f**k about you

I give my money to the millionaires
I give my money to the millionaires
I give my money to the millionaires
And I don’t give a f**k about you

Members of the audience leap on the stage and start dancing. A bearded man in a Lenin cap flings himself into the centre, pulling a couple up from the front row to join him. A lady in her eighties leans on her walking stick while she shakes her hips, a blond mother and daughter dance together, smiling at their boldness. Crispin sings along as he jives with the crowd. People are happy. Supporting Labour is fun. There is solidarity on the dance floor and a feeling of togetherness under the canvas of the amphitheatre on Bodmin Moor.

After the show has ended, Martin Menear takes a break from collecting coins in a bucket to tell me about the profound change that has taken place within South East Cornwall Labour party since the last election. In the 2015 election the local party had a meagre 130 members, no activity and no structure, ‘we tried to do what we could’ he shrugs ‘and the result was what it was’. But then Corbyn got on the ballot. ‘I was getting twenty, thirty members joining a day!’ he exclaims ‘We went up to around 750 full members, and hundreds and hundreds of registered supporters and affiliated supporters, so we were around twelve hundred in total. That’s ten times the number of people we had previously’. The mobilisation began with tea and cake. ‘I baked a cake… and said come along… and we’ll talk about what we’re going to do.’ For some groups it was hosting a screening, for others, a Saturday morning coffee and chat. ‘You don’t need to do a lot’ Martin urges ‘just doing something, and that leads to something else, and then you’re on a road that can lead to incredible places’.

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